2008 General Assembly Series: SB47 and the Request for Death

It is my favorite time of the year. Not because I like snow or the cold, or because I enjoy the post-Christmas atmosphere. No, this is my favorite time of year because our fine legislators here in Indiana have the opportunity to meet for their short annual session. I'm not entirely sure why I enjoy the General Assembly so much, but I think it has everything to do with my interest in politics and law, my inspired admiration of federalism, and the sheer history in those two chambers in Indianapolis.

As part of this year's General Assembly Series, I wanted to take a closer look at some of the proposed bills that our elected representatives have put forth as being the will of the people. This series will run over the next week or two, and will give me a chance to inform the public about some of the laws being debated.

One of the more interesting proposed bills this session is Senate Bill 0047, authored by Senator Waterman (R, Dist. 39) and now before the Committee on the Judiciary for its first reading. The bill would allow certain incarcerated persons who have been sentenced to: (1) at least 200 years imprisonment; (2) an executed sentence of life imprisonment; or (3) life imprisonment without parole; to request the imposition of a death sentence. Individuals requesting the sentence would be interviewed by a psychologist or psychiatrist to determine whether the person understands the proceedings, is mentally ill or has mental retardation (as defined in IC 35-36-9-2), and whether the person has attempted suicide, among other things. Should they have a change of heart, the incarcerated person has the authority suspend execution and reinstate the original sentence.

While evaluating this bill, we ought to consider three major points: the cost comparison for the taxpayers of the two options, the Constitutionality of the bill, and whether this is a fair punishment in the eyes of the victims.

Many studies suggest that the actual cost of imposing the death penalty is higher than putting a person in prison for life. The Indiana Criminal Justice Institute notes that the major reason that is true is that "[in] Indiana[,] capital cases are more extensively litigated than other murder cases… When the ultimate penalty is at stake, litigation moves into a 'super due process' mode that goes above and beyond the due process invoked by a potential term of years." Goodpaster, Cost Comparison between a Death Penalty Case and a Case Where the Charge and Conviction is Life without Parole, The Application of Indiana's Capital Sentencing Law: Findings of the Indiana Criminal Law Study Commission, 2002, at 122A. The report states that the death penalty costs exceed "life without parole" costs by 34% to 37%. Id. But for cases covered under the new law, the cost of the original trial would be the same as any other non-capital offense.

Admittedly, the cost of the court hearing and psychological testing would drive up the cost of the death penalty. However, the individual would not use prison (and thus taxpayer) resources for the remainder of their life. The report puts the estimated time on death row at 10.5 years, and the average stay for LWOP at 30-40 years. Id at 122E. Further, the report puts the cost of health care for aging prisoners at over $6000 per year. Id at 122D. Assuming that the person elected to have the death penalty shortly after their sentencing, and that the psychological screening took only a short while, the incarcerated person could potentially have received death within one to two years. Compared to thirty years, the taxpayers are saving quite a bit of money. Even if the individual waits five years (and all possible appeals), the turnaround under this bill would be so quick that there would not be a 10.5 year wait for death. Purely economically, incarcerated persons electing the death penalty could save Hoosier taxpayers thousands, while freeing needed space in our already overcrowded prisons.

Of course the major concern ought to be the constitutionality of the bill, both in the Indiana and U.S. Constitutions. After all, a jury of his or her peers found only that the incarcerated ought to be in prison for life, not that he or she ought to be executed. To punish a person more than a jury saw fit might be considered cruel or unusual. I sought comparable laws in other states, but it seems that Indiana is the first to propose one. As such, no such law has been tested by any court for its constitutionality. Some states do allow death row inmates to choose their method of execution, and this has been found to be constitutional. Looking purely at the language of the Constitution, it would seem that the voluntary election of the death penalty can hardly be considered cruel, since the incarcerated is putting the punishment onto himself. Can one be cruel to oneself? Yes, but people with such tendencies would likely be ruled out through the psychological exam. I would tend to believe that such a law is constitutional, but without precedent to guide me, it is frankly a shot in the dark.

Perhaps the concern that some taxpayers and believers in punishment will have is the concern that choosing the death penalty is a cop out. I tend to agree with this view. It is much easier for a person to elect death than to sit in a cell thinking about their crimes, their solitude. Just as we tend to call suicide "the coward's way out," allowing a needle into your arm (should our honorable Supreme Court hold needles still uncruel and usual) could be called cowardly. Passing such a law could be seen as weak on crime.

On the other hand, one of the primary concerns with the death penalty is that it kills innocent people. Yes, without a doubt innocent people have been sentenced to death. However, I cannot believe that an innocent person would elect to choose death, and thus the law would have 100% accuracy. An innocent person clings to hope, believing that they will one day be vindicated and set free. Even those who lose hope couldn't pass the psychological exam, because "I've lost hope" hardly qualifies as a reason to elect death.

I certainly am not suggesting that I like or dislike the law. I think it is inventive, and certainly worth looking at. I simply hope that the Judicial Committee, and eventually the General Assembly, will consider these points as they debate the purpose, wording, and efficacy of this bill.