What is going on in Allen County's courts?
This week we got news that a state panel cited Judge Kenneth R. Scheibenberger for official misconduct. Apparently, back in November, he put on his robe and walked into another judge's courtroom (misstep number one). Then he listened to an alleged drug dealer get sentenced by the other judge. He then threw a bit of a fit and started swearing the the family of the defendant (misstep number two). He claims that the drug dealer sold his son drugs that resulted in his son's death.
Well, today's News-Sentinel reports that the Circuit Court judge in Fort Wayne, Judge Thomas J. Felts, was operating his vehicle while drunk, and let it "coast backward" into a police cruiser in Indianapolis. He was pulled over near Monument Circle, and instead of putting the vehicle into park, he put it in reverse. This is his re-election year, but is running unopposed.
I have to wonder what the voters in Allen County think about all this. Fort Wayne is one of the busiest court systems in Indiana, and they really can't afford to lose their Circuit judge and one of their Superior judges.
Further, what were these judges thinking? Scheibenberger couldn't have thought anything good would come of going to this sentencing in his robe. In doing so he tarnished the reputation of judges everywhere. To swear up a storm while in your robe just looks bad all around.
I'm glad I work for a Judge this summer. I'm also glad it's not in Allen County, which has to be in chaos right now.
Showing posts with label Indiana Law. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Indiana Law. Show all posts
7.19.2008
6.12.2008
Freedom to Spank your Brats
On Tuesday, the Indiana Supreme Court ruled in Willis v. State that parents have the legal right to discipline their children physically, even if it leaves marks or bruises. In the case, the defendant was a mother of a son who had a history of lying and stealing. The boy stole some of his mother's clothes and gave them away at school. As a punishment, the mother struck him five to seven times with a belt. The school nurse saw the bruises, the son told the nurse from where they came, and the nurse called the police, who charged the mother with battery, a D felony.
Corporal punishment is sometimes acceptable. The Model Penal Code says so. The Second Restatement of Torts says so. Blackstone says so. Heck, the last four thousand years of human history says so.
It is a sad state of affairs that any time a parent tries to punish a child, the state thinks it should come to the child's aid. How long has this been going on? When did we become a nation of wimps? The sad truth is that American kids feel entitled to do whatever they want, and they have been too eager to complain to authorities when they get a spanking. Is it any wonder that, as the Fort Wayne Journal Gazette reports, Indiana is 6th in the nation for juveniles locked up? When parents don't punish appropriately, the law will eventually have to.
I don't mean to suggest that child abuse is acceptable. I have seen many CHINS cases this summer, and there are some parents that really are doing it wrong. And punishment that leads to permanent or severe injuries should be, and is still, illegal. But I am glad to see that Indiana is taking a step back in the proper direction of letting parents punish their children as they see fit.
Corporal punishment is sometimes acceptable. The Model Penal Code says so. The Second Restatement of Torts says so. Blackstone says so. Heck, the last four thousand years of human history says so.
It is a sad state of affairs that any time a parent tries to punish a child, the state thinks it should come to the child's aid. How long has this been going on? When did we become a nation of wimps? The sad truth is that American kids feel entitled to do whatever they want, and they have been too eager to complain to authorities when they get a spanking. Is it any wonder that, as the Fort Wayne Journal Gazette reports, Indiana is 6th in the nation for juveniles locked up? When parents don't punish appropriately, the law will eventually have to.
I don't mean to suggest that child abuse is acceptable. I have seen many CHINS cases this summer, and there are some parents that really are doing it wrong. And punishment that leads to permanent or severe injuries should be, and is still, illegal. But I am glad to see that Indiana is taking a step back in the proper direction of letting parents punish their children as they see fit.
3.13.2008
Two Tidbits from the News
I know it's been a while since I posted, mostly because of Spring Break and a variety of other scheduling conflicts. But two tidbits from the news really caught my eye and I think that they are worth mentioning here.
Today's Indianapolis Star reports that Governor Daniels has used his first veto of this session, something he has done only seven times in office. I must say, he saved it for a good one. The bill: HEA 1210. The premise of the bill: allow a loophole for individuals who do not pass the teacher's licensing exam to still become teachers in Indiana. Easily one of the dumbest bills passed by the General Assembly this session.
Now, as anyone who has been reading this blog for a long time can tell you, I am no fan of public education. But if you're going to have public education, then it would best for your teachers to have some sort of standard. This bill would have allowed persons who fail the test to become teachers by showing that they had a good GPA in their education coursework and have good references from those under whom they student taught. If that's not lowering the standards, I don't know what is.
The bill was authored by Rep. Vernon Smith (D-Gary), who complained after the veto that the governor hadn't met with him to discuss the bill. I don't blame the governor. He has better things to do than argue about pointless bills. I can understand why Rep. Smith wants the bill: Gary schools are a dismal failure, and they can't get teachers to teach there. He probably thinks that lowering the standards of licensing will mean more teachers in Gary. Well, Mr. Smith, even if your plan worked, it wouldn't improve the education quality in Gary. You need qualified, talented, devoted teachers to come to Gary, not the people who couldn't pass the test. A better plan would be to pay teachers better.
In other news, a student at UVa-Wisa was expelled because of prose he composed in a creative writing class. His story involved a student who dreams of killing his professor and commits suicide. Okay, maybe I could see some threat here, but you need to consider the context. Nevermind that this is a creative writing class, and creativity doesn't always fit nicely into a pre-approved box. The student is an Iraqi war veteran with no history of mental illness and medals for good conduct. In fact, the school couldn't put together a case, except for the fact that the student had a few guns in his car. Okay, again, maybe I could see some threat here, but consider that he had a right to carry them, as he had permits for each of them. And he's a war veteran.
To make matters worse, the school involuntarily committed him for psychiatric testing, something that automatically revokes his ability to hold the gun permits. Well, that's one way to get around the law.
Eugene Volokh points out that "expulsion would still strike [him] an excessive remedy; nor would protecting the university from the possibility that he would turn into a Virginia-Tech-style mass killer justify this: If he really does plan to commit mass murder, he could do that as an expelled student pretty much as easily as an enrolled student (since the school doubtless doesn't have guards at each possible entrance to keep him off campus)."
I would love to use a case like this to get the issue of gun bans in schools brought before the Supreme Court. To me, it is ridiculous that a Constitutional right stops being a right when you cross an invisible barrier onto a campus. Only problem is that this case is not the one I'd bring up. Justice Scalia's son was the professor of that creative writing class. Scalia would have to take a breather on this case, which would leave us 4-4, which is unacceptable. On the plus side, such a lawsuit would encourage the legislators in Indianapolis to pass a bill allowing certain persons to carry firearms on campus.
Today's Indianapolis Star reports that Governor Daniels has used his first veto of this session, something he has done only seven times in office. I must say, he saved it for a good one. The bill: HEA 1210. The premise of the bill: allow a loophole for individuals who do not pass the teacher's licensing exam to still become teachers in Indiana. Easily one of the dumbest bills passed by the General Assembly this session.
Now, as anyone who has been reading this blog for a long time can tell you, I am no fan of public education. But if you're going to have public education, then it would best for your teachers to have some sort of standard. This bill would have allowed persons who fail the test to become teachers by showing that they had a good GPA in their education coursework and have good references from those under whom they student taught. If that's not lowering the standards, I don't know what is.
The bill was authored by Rep. Vernon Smith (D-Gary), who complained after the veto that the governor hadn't met with him to discuss the bill. I don't blame the governor. He has better things to do than argue about pointless bills. I can understand why Rep. Smith wants the bill: Gary schools are a dismal failure, and they can't get teachers to teach there. He probably thinks that lowering the standards of licensing will mean more teachers in Gary. Well, Mr. Smith, even if your plan worked, it wouldn't improve the education quality in Gary. You need qualified, talented, devoted teachers to come to Gary, not the people who couldn't pass the test. A better plan would be to pay teachers better.
In other news, a student at UVa-Wisa was expelled because of prose he composed in a creative writing class. His story involved a student who dreams of killing his professor and commits suicide. Okay, maybe I could see some threat here, but you need to consider the context. Nevermind that this is a creative writing class, and creativity doesn't always fit nicely into a pre-approved box. The student is an Iraqi war veteran with no history of mental illness and medals for good conduct. In fact, the school couldn't put together a case, except for the fact that the student had a few guns in his car. Okay, again, maybe I could see some threat here, but consider that he had a right to carry them, as he had permits for each of them. And he's a war veteran.
To make matters worse, the school involuntarily committed him for psychiatric testing, something that automatically revokes his ability to hold the gun permits. Well, that's one way to get around the law.
Eugene Volokh points out that "expulsion would still strike [him] an excessive remedy; nor would protecting the university from the possibility that he would turn into a Virginia-Tech-style mass killer justify this: If he really does plan to commit mass murder, he could do that as an expelled student pretty much as easily as an enrolled student (since the school doubtless doesn't have guards at each possible entrance to keep him off campus)."
I would love to use a case like this to get the issue of gun bans in schools brought before the Supreme Court. To me, it is ridiculous that a Constitutional right stops being a right when you cross an invisible barrier onto a campus. Only problem is that this case is not the one I'd bring up. Justice Scalia's son was the professor of that creative writing class. Scalia would have to take a breather on this case, which would leave us 4-4, which is unacceptable. On the plus side, such a lawsuit would encourage the legislators in Indianapolis to pass a bill allowing certain persons to carry firearms on campus.
2.22.2008
"Oeniphile Rejoice" Part III
Some of my luckier colleagues at IU Law today did not have their usual Constitutional Law class. That is because their professor, Mr. Patrick Baude, had oral aruments in Chicago before the Seventh Circuit regarding the Indiana wine shipping case, Baude v. Heath. I wrote about the decision before Judge Tinder back in November.
The 16 filed briefs are available here, while an MP3 of the oral argument itself can be heard here. From what I can tell, arguments went well... for the state. Judges Posner and Easterbrook did not seem to like what Professor Tanford included in his brief (chastising him like they were LRW professors). Nor did they like the way he argued, nor the way he listened. Hopefully the court finds for the oeniphiles so that we Hoosiers can be one step closer to having the freedom to buy what we want through the internet and the mail, but I'm not holding my breath for that holding.
I would think it would be beneficial for his class to read some of this stuff. Always good to hear someone you know arguing before a circuit court, even if it is a bit brutal.
The 16 filed briefs are available here, while an MP3 of the oral argument itself can be heard here. From what I can tell, arguments went well... for the state. Judges Posner and Easterbrook did not seem to like what Professor Tanford included in his brief (chastising him like they were LRW professors). Nor did they like the way he argued, nor the way he listened. Hopefully the court finds for the oeniphiles so that we Hoosiers can be one step closer to having the freedom to buy what we want through the internet and the mail, but I'm not holding my breath for that holding.
I would think it would be beneficial for his class to read some of this stuff. Always good to hear someone you know arguing before a circuit court, even if it is a bit brutal.
2.15.2008
2008 General Assembly Series: SB65 and Needless Tragedy
Tragedy has befallen the nation yet again. Less than a year after the shootings at Virginia Tech, we have seen four school shootings in less than week. February 8, two students gunned down at Louisiana Tech. February 11, a high schooler shot another during gym class in Tennessee, and a junior high schooler in California is brain dead. Now, tonight, we get word that five people were killed at Northern Illinois University. This one hits particularly close to home, since I'm from northern Illinois, and at one time my brother had considered attending NIU.
I have no idea what is causing the increase in school shootings. Blame it on whomever you wish: parents, the media, the schools, rap music, or any other scapegoat. The fact is that more students are finding recourse through violence in schools. The fact that these shooting sprees tend to end in suicide does not mean that they are intended as suicide missions; I would tend to believe that at least some of these shooters realized what they had done and concluded that the only way out was through suicide.
How fortunate that the Indiana General Assembly happens to have bills before it to help prevent such shootings in Indiana. While nothing can make us 100% safe (even in the law school), I think that the laws the GA might pass would help disincentivize such shootings.
Senate Bill 0065, the so-called Handguns In Public bill is essential, and must be passed quickly, especially with this last week in the forefront of our minds. SB65 would add language to Title 35 that would read, in part:
"A person who possesses a valid license to carry a handgun issued under IC 35-47-2 may not be prohibited from possessing a handgun on land or in buildings and other structures owned or leased by:
(1) the state or a political subdivision of the state; or
(2) a nonpublic elementary school, nonpublic secondary school, or nonpublic postsecondary educational institution."
With the obvious exceptions of airports, prisons, and courthouses, under SB65 no card-carrying Hoosier could be prohibited from having a concealed weapon in a public place. This makes tremendous sense, but let me start by discussing the opposing side.
Opponents are concerned that the bill would mean more violence in schools. After all, if schools have more weapons, only more violence can occur, right? Wrong. First of all, to get a CCW, one must be over 18. That means high school kids (those who would be most likely to go off because of a hormonal imbalance or because a girl turned him down for a dance) would not have access to them, but the teachers (i.e. the people whose responsibility it is to guard the young people) would.
Further, since no person who has been convicted of a felony can get a CCW, the riskiest college-age students would also be prevented. On the other hand, responsible students who took the time to fill out the paper work and get registered would be able to keep weapons, in case, say, a student starts shooting in the middle of a geology lecture. Additionally, professors and administrators could keep a weapon for such times.
In other words, the good guys get armed while the bad guys either don't, or they resort to the same means they do now - that is, they carry them illegally.
On the other hand, a potential gunman would have second thoughts if he knew that any person he pulled a gun on was also armed. Certainly a gunman appearing in front of a class of 165 students to start shooting would fear, knowing that 150 guns were aimed back.
But even if we assume the possibility of deterrence was insufficient to prevent the shooting, the duration of the shooting would be dramatically shorter. The shooting at Virginia Tech went on for 9 minutes, and more than thirty people lose their lives. Imagine after minute 1, or even minute 2, how many lives could have been saved if even one person had possessed a firearm to stop the shooter.
Sadly, a similar bill (SB356) did not pass its third reading, due to a lack of a constitutional majority.
Any reasonable person knows that there is little we can do to deter a potential school-shooter. If he has his mind made up, then he's going to do it, and saying "No Guns on Campus" will mean nothing. But while we can't prevent such shootings easily, we can at least provide some protection for the potential victims of these tragedies. The Senate needs to vote Yes on SB65, and they need to do it now, before any Hoosier blood is tragically spilled.
I have no idea what is causing the increase in school shootings. Blame it on whomever you wish: parents, the media, the schools, rap music, or any other scapegoat. The fact is that more students are finding recourse through violence in schools. The fact that these shooting sprees tend to end in suicide does not mean that they are intended as suicide missions; I would tend to believe that at least some of these shooters realized what they had done and concluded that the only way out was through suicide.
How fortunate that the Indiana General Assembly happens to have bills before it to help prevent such shootings in Indiana. While nothing can make us 100% safe (even in the law school), I think that the laws the GA might pass would help disincentivize such shootings.
Senate Bill 0065, the so-called Handguns In Public bill is essential, and must be passed quickly, especially with this last week in the forefront of our minds. SB65 would add language to Title 35 that would read, in part:
"A person who possesses a valid license to carry a handgun issued under IC 35-47-2 may not be prohibited from possessing a handgun on land or in buildings and other structures owned or leased by:
(1) the state or a political subdivision of the state; or
(2) a nonpublic elementary school, nonpublic secondary school, or nonpublic postsecondary educational institution."
With the obvious exceptions of airports, prisons, and courthouses, under SB65 no card-carrying Hoosier could be prohibited from having a concealed weapon in a public place. This makes tremendous sense, but let me start by discussing the opposing side.
Opponents are concerned that the bill would mean more violence in schools. After all, if schools have more weapons, only more violence can occur, right? Wrong. First of all, to get a CCW, one must be over 18. That means high school kids (those who would be most likely to go off because of a hormonal imbalance or because a girl turned him down for a dance) would not have access to them, but the teachers (i.e. the people whose responsibility it is to guard the young people) would.
Further, since no person who has been convicted of a felony can get a CCW, the riskiest college-age students would also be prevented. On the other hand, responsible students who took the time to fill out the paper work and get registered would be able to keep weapons, in case, say, a student starts shooting in the middle of a geology lecture. Additionally, professors and administrators could keep a weapon for such times.
In other words, the good guys get armed while the bad guys either don't, or they resort to the same means they do now - that is, they carry them illegally.
On the other hand, a potential gunman would have second thoughts if he knew that any person he pulled a gun on was also armed. Certainly a gunman appearing in front of a class of 165 students to start shooting would fear, knowing that 150 guns were aimed back.
But even if we assume the possibility of deterrence was insufficient to prevent the shooting, the duration of the shooting would be dramatically shorter. The shooting at Virginia Tech went on for 9 minutes, and more than thirty people lose their lives. Imagine after minute 1, or even minute 2, how many lives could have been saved if even one person had possessed a firearm to stop the shooter.
Sadly, a similar bill (SB356) did not pass its third reading, due to a lack of a constitutional majority.
Any reasonable person knows that there is little we can do to deter a potential school-shooter. If he has his mind made up, then he's going to do it, and saying "No Guns on Campus" will mean nothing. But while we can't prevent such shootings easily, we can at least provide some protection for the potential victims of these tragedies. The Senate needs to vote Yes on SB65, and they need to do it now, before any Hoosier blood is tragically spilled.
1.31.2008
2008 General Assembly Series: SJR7 and the Waste of Tax Dollars
Anyone that has read my post from last February regarding SJR7, the so-called "Indiana Gay Marriage Ban", knows how I feel about the bill. I think it is a broad overreaching of the state government into the private lives of individuals and an attempt to codify bigotry in our most important document. Those opposed to the thought of same-sex marriage can be comfortable that Indiana law still prevents the marriage or civil union of two persons of the same gender. A constitutional amendment is just one more way to ensure that future generations can't become less bigoted than the current one.
I applauded last year when the bill died in the House. But the bill has again passed the Senate, with a vote of 39-9 (practically the same as last year). The bill is stalled in the House, and it looks ready to die at the hands of House Democrats again. That is, unless Rep. Eric Turner (R-Marion) has his way, and manages to have it attached to the same bill capping property taxes. That just shows the shady dealings that go on in politics: attaching a frivolous and hateful bill to one for which the people are desperately crying out.
The arguments for this ban are same arguments we heard for decades regarding interracial marriage. Anti-miscegenation laws were in place since the beginnings of this nation, often appearing in state Constitutions. Loving v. Virginia, 388 U.S. 1 (1967), was the final nail in the coffin of those racist laws. There, the Supreme Court reversed a trial judge's decision that a black woman and white man could not enter the state without being subject to arrest. The trial judge showed his true colors when he stated, "Almighty God created the races white, black, yellow, and red, and he placed them on separate continents. And but for the interference with his arrangement there would be no cause for such marriages. The fact that he separated the races shows that he did not intend for the races to mix." Id. at 3. In other words, interracial marriage was "unnatural." This argument sounds familiar.
It took 103 years, but South Carolina finally removed the prohibition on "marriage of a white person with a Negro or mulatto or a person who shall have one-eighth or more of Negro blood" from its Constitution in 1998. How sad that such bigotry was written into a Constitution for so long. It casts a shadow of shame on the people of the state. Now Indiana wants to do the same.
If the state wants to ban gay marriage in statutes, and that is the will of the people, so be it. Not all of us may agree, but such is the way of politics and legislation. As I stated in my previous post, amending the Constitution really is not something we should do lightly. And besides, haven't we got more important bill to pass right now?
I applauded last year when the bill died in the House. But the bill has again passed the Senate, with a vote of 39-9 (practically the same as last year). The bill is stalled in the House, and it looks ready to die at the hands of House Democrats again. That is, unless Rep. Eric Turner (R-Marion) has his way, and manages to have it attached to the same bill capping property taxes. That just shows the shady dealings that go on in politics: attaching a frivolous and hateful bill to one for which the people are desperately crying out.
The arguments for this ban are same arguments we heard for decades regarding interracial marriage. Anti-miscegenation laws were in place since the beginnings of this nation, often appearing in state Constitutions. Loving v. Virginia, 388 U.S. 1 (1967), was the final nail in the coffin of those racist laws. There, the Supreme Court reversed a trial judge's decision that a black woman and white man could not enter the state without being subject to arrest. The trial judge showed his true colors when he stated, "Almighty God created the races white, black, yellow, and red, and he placed them on separate continents. And but for the interference with his arrangement there would be no cause for such marriages. The fact that he separated the races shows that he did not intend for the races to mix." Id. at 3. In other words, interracial marriage was "unnatural." This argument sounds familiar.
It took 103 years, but South Carolina finally removed the prohibition on "marriage of a white person with a Negro or mulatto or a person who shall have one-eighth or more of Negro blood" from its Constitution in 1998. How sad that such bigotry was written into a Constitution for so long. It casts a shadow of shame on the people of the state. Now Indiana wants to do the same.
If the state wants to ban gay marriage in statutes, and that is the will of the people, so be it. Not all of us may agree, but such is the way of politics and legislation. As I stated in my previous post, amending the Constitution really is not something we should do lightly. And besides, haven't we got more important bill to pass right now?
1.16.2008
Is Amending the Constitution a Good Idea?
Last night I sat down to watch the State of the State address by Governor Daniels here in Indiana. I found myself pleased with the speech overall. He gave relatively few specific plans and instead acted as the cheerleader-in-chief (promoting Indiana's 8.5 minute transaction time at the BMV, or our declining unemployment rate surrounded by Midwest states who find theirs rising). However, he had to cover the property tax mess, and the way he did it got me thinking.
In his four step plan for solving the "property tax crisis" here in Indiana, he included an instruction that the general assembly should offer "permanent protection against the return of unaffordable taxes, though a permanent, constitutional cap of one percent of a home's value[.]" While I won't pass judgment on whether such a plan is good or not, it brings up the notion of amending the constitution. Ought the constitution be amended in such a way?
Black's calls a constitution "the fundamental and organic law of a nation or state that establishes the institutions and apparatus of government, defines the scope of governmental sovereign powers, and guarantees individual civil rights and civil liberties." Should a constitution then state the design of the General Assembly? Yes. Should a constitution state that the government can tax? Presumably. Should a constitution guarantee the right of citizens to bear arms? Yes. But should a constitution put a specific percentage cap on taxes, or force the Congress and the President to agree on a balanced budget (unless 3/5 of Congress vote to overspend), or to limit pardons between October 1 and January 21 of any presidential election year? Perhaps not.
Such things may be wonderful laws. I have no problem with a law saying that we ought to balance the budget. I have nothing against a law limiting taxes. But such things make for better laws than they do constitutional amendments. I understand that the idea of putting it into a constitution is to make it "permanent". I understand that putting things in a constitution automatically makes them "constitutional" and thus impossible to overturn in the courts. But does such technical verbiage about the operation of government belong in a document ensuring us fundamental rights and powers?
Chief Justice John Marshall didn't seem to think so. In McCulloch v. Maryland, 17 U.S. (4 Wheat.) 316, 4 L.Ed. 579 (1819), Marshall discusses whether all the powers of the government ought to be found in the Constitution. "A constitution," he writes, "to contain an accurate detail of all the subdivisions of which its great powers will admit, and of all the means by which they may be carried into execution, would partake of the prolixity of a legal code, and could scarcely be embraced by the human mind. It would probably never be understood by the public. [W]e must never forget that it is a constitution we are expounding."
I couldn't agree more with Marshall. Our goal ought to be to have a constitution that the average citizen can read and understand. To weigh it down with tax brackets, definitions of marriage, requirements of "moments of silence", or any other frivolous notion that could pass in a generation is to dilute the meaning of a constitution as a general document putting forth general principles upon which we can build interpretations and legal reasoning.
So, with all due respect to our great Governor and the various representatives, both in Indianapolis and in Washington, D.C.: keep your hands off my Constitution.
In his four step plan for solving the "property tax crisis" here in Indiana, he included an instruction that the general assembly should offer "permanent protection against the return of unaffordable taxes, though a permanent, constitutional cap of one percent of a home's value[.]" While I won't pass judgment on whether such a plan is good or not, it brings up the notion of amending the constitution. Ought the constitution be amended in such a way?
Black's calls a constitution "the fundamental and organic law of a nation or state that establishes the institutions and apparatus of government, defines the scope of governmental sovereign powers, and guarantees individual civil rights and civil liberties." Should a constitution then state the design of the General Assembly? Yes. Should a constitution state that the government can tax? Presumably. Should a constitution guarantee the right of citizens to bear arms? Yes. But should a constitution put a specific percentage cap on taxes, or force the Congress and the President to agree on a balanced budget (unless 3/5 of Congress vote to overspend), or to limit pardons between October 1 and January 21 of any presidential election year? Perhaps not.
Such things may be wonderful laws. I have no problem with a law saying that we ought to balance the budget. I have nothing against a law limiting taxes. But such things make for better laws than they do constitutional amendments. I understand that the idea of putting it into a constitution is to make it "permanent". I understand that putting things in a constitution automatically makes them "constitutional" and thus impossible to overturn in the courts. But does such technical verbiage about the operation of government belong in a document ensuring us fundamental rights and powers?
Chief Justice John Marshall didn't seem to think so. In McCulloch v. Maryland, 17 U.S. (4 Wheat.) 316, 4 L.Ed. 579 (1819), Marshall discusses whether all the powers of the government ought to be found in the Constitution. "A constitution," he writes, "to contain an accurate detail of all the subdivisions of which its great powers will admit, and of all the means by which they may be carried into execution, would partake of the prolixity of a legal code, and could scarcely be embraced by the human mind. It would probably never be understood by the public. [W]e must never forget that it is a constitution we are expounding."
I couldn't agree more with Marshall. Our goal ought to be to have a constitution that the average citizen can read and understand. To weigh it down with tax brackets, definitions of marriage, requirements of "moments of silence", or any other frivolous notion that could pass in a generation is to dilute the meaning of a constitution as a general document putting forth general principles upon which we can build interpretations and legal reasoning.
So, with all due respect to our great Governor and the various representatives, both in Indianapolis and in Washington, D.C.: keep your hands off my Constitution.
1.15.2008
2008 General Assembly Series: SB47 and the Request for Death
It is my favorite time of the year. Not because I like snow or the cold, or because I enjoy the post-Christmas atmosphere. No, this is my favorite time of year because our fine legislators here in Indiana have the opportunity to meet for their short annual session. I'm not entirely sure why I enjoy the General Assembly so much, but I think it has everything to do with my interest in politics and law, my inspired admiration of federalism, and the sheer history in those two chambers in Indianapolis.
As part of this year's General Assembly Series, I wanted to take a closer look at some of the proposed bills that our elected representatives have put forth as being the will of the people. This series will run over the next week or two, and will give me a chance to inform the public about some of the laws being debated.
One of the more interesting proposed bills this session is Senate Bill 0047, authored by Senator Waterman (R, Dist. 39) and now before the Committee on the Judiciary for its first reading. The bill would allow certain incarcerated persons who have been sentenced to: (1) at least 200 years imprisonment; (2) an executed sentence of life imprisonment; or (3) life imprisonment without parole; to request the imposition of a death sentence. Individuals requesting the sentence would be interviewed by a psychologist or psychiatrist to determine whether the person understands the proceedings, is mentally ill or has mental retardation (as defined in IC 35-36-9-2), and whether the person has attempted suicide, among other things. Should they have a change of heart, the incarcerated person has the authority suspend execution and reinstate the original sentence.
While evaluating this bill, we ought to consider three major points: the cost comparison for the taxpayers of the two options, the Constitutionality of the bill, and whether this is a fair punishment in the eyes of the victims.
Many studies suggest that the actual cost of imposing the death penalty is higher than putting a person in prison for life. The Indiana Criminal Justice Institute notes that the major reason that is true is that "[in] Indiana[,] capital cases are more extensively litigated than other murder cases… When the ultimate penalty is at stake, litigation moves into a 'super due process' mode that goes above and beyond the due process invoked by a potential term of years." Goodpaster, Cost Comparison between a Death Penalty Case and a Case Where the Charge and Conviction is Life without Parole, The Application of Indiana's Capital Sentencing Law: Findings of the Indiana Criminal Law Study Commission, 2002, at 122A. The report states that the death penalty costs exceed "life without parole" costs by 34% to 37%. Id. But for cases covered under the new law, the cost of the original trial would be the same as any other non-capital offense.
Admittedly, the cost of the court hearing and psychological testing would drive up the cost of the death penalty. However, the individual would not use prison (and thus taxpayer) resources for the remainder of their life. The report puts the estimated time on death row at 10.5 years, and the average stay for LWOP at 30-40 years. Id at 122E. Further, the report puts the cost of health care for aging prisoners at over $6000 per year. Id at 122D. Assuming that the person elected to have the death penalty shortly after their sentencing, and that the psychological screening took only a short while, the incarcerated person could potentially have received death within one to two years. Compared to thirty years, the taxpayers are saving quite a bit of money. Even if the individual waits five years (and all possible appeals), the turnaround under this bill would be so quick that there would not be a 10.5 year wait for death. Purely economically, incarcerated persons electing the death penalty could save Hoosier taxpayers thousands, while freeing needed space in our already overcrowded prisons.
Of course the major concern ought to be the constitutionality of the bill, both in the Indiana and U.S. Constitutions. After all, a jury of his or her peers found only that the incarcerated ought to be in prison for life, not that he or she ought to be executed. To punish a person more than a jury saw fit might be considered cruel or unusual. I sought comparable laws in other states, but it seems that Indiana is the first to propose one. As such, no such law has been tested by any court for its constitutionality. Some states do allow death row inmates to choose their method of execution, and this has been found to be constitutional. Looking purely at the language of the Constitution, it would seem that the voluntary election of the death penalty can hardly be considered cruel, since the incarcerated is putting the punishment onto himself. Can one be cruel to oneself? Yes, but people with such tendencies would likely be ruled out through the psychological exam. I would tend to believe that such a law is constitutional, but without precedent to guide me, it is frankly a shot in the dark.
Perhaps the concern that some taxpayers and believers in punishment will have is the concern that choosing the death penalty is a cop out. I tend to agree with this view. It is much easier for a person to elect death than to sit in a cell thinking about their crimes, their solitude. Just as we tend to call suicide "the coward's way out," allowing a needle into your arm (should our honorable Supreme Court hold needles still uncruel and usual) could be called cowardly. Passing such a law could be seen as weak on crime.
On the other hand, one of the primary concerns with the death penalty is that it kills innocent people. Yes, without a doubt innocent people have been sentenced to death. However, I cannot believe that an innocent person would elect to choose death, and thus the law would have 100% accuracy. An innocent person clings to hope, believing that they will one day be vindicated and set free. Even those who lose hope couldn't pass the psychological exam, because "I've lost hope" hardly qualifies as a reason to elect death.
I certainly am not suggesting that I like or dislike the law. I think it is inventive, and certainly worth looking at. I simply hope that the Judicial Committee, and eventually the General Assembly, will consider these points as they debate the purpose, wording, and efficacy of this bill.
As part of this year's General Assembly Series, I wanted to take a closer look at some of the proposed bills that our elected representatives have put forth as being the will of the people. This series will run over the next week or two, and will give me a chance to inform the public about some of the laws being debated.
One of the more interesting proposed bills this session is Senate Bill 0047, authored by Senator Waterman (R, Dist. 39) and now before the Committee on the Judiciary for its first reading. The bill would allow certain incarcerated persons who have been sentenced to: (1) at least 200 years imprisonment; (2) an executed sentence of life imprisonment; or (3) life imprisonment without parole; to request the imposition of a death sentence. Individuals requesting the sentence would be interviewed by a psychologist or psychiatrist to determine whether the person understands the proceedings, is mentally ill or has mental retardation (as defined in IC 35-36-9-2), and whether the person has attempted suicide, among other things. Should they have a change of heart, the incarcerated person has the authority suspend execution and reinstate the original sentence.
While evaluating this bill, we ought to consider three major points: the cost comparison for the taxpayers of the two options, the Constitutionality of the bill, and whether this is a fair punishment in the eyes of the victims.
Many studies suggest that the actual cost of imposing the death penalty is higher than putting a person in prison for life. The Indiana Criminal Justice Institute notes that the major reason that is true is that "[in] Indiana[,] capital cases are more extensively litigated than other murder cases… When the ultimate penalty is at stake, litigation moves into a 'super due process' mode that goes above and beyond the due process invoked by a potential term of years." Goodpaster, Cost Comparison between a Death Penalty Case and a Case Where the Charge and Conviction is Life without Parole, The Application of Indiana's Capital Sentencing Law: Findings of the Indiana Criminal Law Study Commission, 2002, at 122A. The report states that the death penalty costs exceed "life without parole" costs by 34% to 37%. Id. But for cases covered under the new law, the cost of the original trial would be the same as any other non-capital offense.
Admittedly, the cost of the court hearing and psychological testing would drive up the cost of the death penalty. However, the individual would not use prison (and thus taxpayer) resources for the remainder of their life. The report puts the estimated time on death row at 10.5 years, and the average stay for LWOP at 30-40 years. Id at 122E. Further, the report puts the cost of health care for aging prisoners at over $6000 per year. Id at 122D. Assuming that the person elected to have the death penalty shortly after their sentencing, and that the psychological screening took only a short while, the incarcerated person could potentially have received death within one to two years. Compared to thirty years, the taxpayers are saving quite a bit of money. Even if the individual waits five years (and all possible appeals), the turnaround under this bill would be so quick that there would not be a 10.5 year wait for death. Purely economically, incarcerated persons electing the death penalty could save Hoosier taxpayers thousands, while freeing needed space in our already overcrowded prisons.
Of course the major concern ought to be the constitutionality of the bill, both in the Indiana and U.S. Constitutions. After all, a jury of his or her peers found only that the incarcerated ought to be in prison for life, not that he or she ought to be executed. To punish a person more than a jury saw fit might be considered cruel or unusual. I sought comparable laws in other states, but it seems that Indiana is the first to propose one. As such, no such law has been tested by any court for its constitutionality. Some states do allow death row inmates to choose their method of execution, and this has been found to be constitutional. Looking purely at the language of the Constitution, it would seem that the voluntary election of the death penalty can hardly be considered cruel, since the incarcerated is putting the punishment onto himself. Can one be cruel to oneself? Yes, but people with such tendencies would likely be ruled out through the psychological exam. I would tend to believe that such a law is constitutional, but without precedent to guide me, it is frankly a shot in the dark.
Perhaps the concern that some taxpayers and believers in punishment will have is the concern that choosing the death penalty is a cop out. I tend to agree with this view. It is much easier for a person to elect death than to sit in a cell thinking about their crimes, their solitude. Just as we tend to call suicide "the coward's way out," allowing a needle into your arm (should our honorable Supreme Court hold needles still uncruel and usual) could be called cowardly. Passing such a law could be seen as weak on crime.
On the other hand, one of the primary concerns with the death penalty is that it kills innocent people. Yes, without a doubt innocent people have been sentenced to death. However, I cannot believe that an innocent person would elect to choose death, and thus the law would have 100% accuracy. An innocent person clings to hope, believing that they will one day be vindicated and set free. Even those who lose hope couldn't pass the psychological exam, because "I've lost hope" hardly qualifies as a reason to elect death.
I certainly am not suggesting that I like or dislike the law. I think it is inventive, and certainly worth looking at. I simply hope that the Judicial Committee, and eventually the General Assembly, will consider these points as they debate the purpose, wording, and efficacy of this bill.
11.20.2007
Hoosier Gun Owner?
As expected, the Supreme Court has granted cert in the D.C. gun ownership case. The court phrased the granting issue as: “Whether the following provisions — D.C. Code secs. 7-2502.02(a)(4), 22-4504(a), and 7-2507.02 — violate the Second Amendment rights of individuals who are not affiliated with any state-regulated militia, but who wish to keep handguns and other firearms for private use in their homes?”
Not wanting to get into a debate about Second Amendment rights quite yet (my undergrad Constitutional Law course helps, but perhaps I'll debate after ConLaw next semester), I just want to point out an interesting quirk in that phrasing and how it impacts Indiana law.
Certainly such a case wouldn't arise in Indiana (assuming that this state is, in fact, a "red state"). But if it did, the phrasing that the Court chose would provide a pretty clear answer. In Indiana, "a militia shall be provided and shall consist of all persons over the age of seventeen (17) years, except those persons who may be exempted by the laws of the United States or of this State." Ind. Const. Art. 12, § 1 (emphasis added)*. Male, female, old, young. Basically everyone that doesn't have a note from the Governor (or are conscientiously opposed to bearing arms) is part of a militia. Perhaps that is why our state takes such a strong stance on the Second Amendment. That's why a D.C. style law won't come about here, and why such a law certainly wouldn't survive our courts.
The phrasing of the question in front of the Supreme Court says that it applies to individuals without no affiliations to a state-regulated militia but who want to possess guns in their homes. In Indiana, the only persons not in the state-regulated militia are those who are conscientiously opposed to bearing arms. Seems unlikely that those folks would want to bring guns into their homes anyway.
*In the original 1851 Constitution of Indiana, the section read "The Militia shall consist of all able-bodied white male persons, between the ages of eighteen and forty-five years, except such as may be exempted by the laws of the United States, or of this state; and shall be organized, officered, armed, equipped, and trained, in such manner as may be provided by law." A 1936 amendment deleted "white". A 1974 amendment rewrote the section to its current version.
Not wanting to get into a debate about Second Amendment rights quite yet (my undergrad Constitutional Law course helps, but perhaps I'll debate after ConLaw next semester), I just want to point out an interesting quirk in that phrasing and how it impacts Indiana law.
Certainly such a case wouldn't arise in Indiana (assuming that this state is, in fact, a "red state"). But if it did, the phrasing that the Court chose would provide a pretty clear answer. In Indiana, "a militia shall be provided and shall consist of all persons over the age of seventeen (17) years, except those persons who may be exempted by the laws of the United States or of this State." Ind. Const. Art. 12, § 1 (emphasis added)*. Male, female, old, young. Basically everyone that doesn't have a note from the Governor (or are conscientiously opposed to bearing arms) is part of a militia. Perhaps that is why our state takes such a strong stance on the Second Amendment. That's why a D.C. style law won't come about here, and why such a law certainly wouldn't survive our courts.
The phrasing of the question in front of the Supreme Court says that it applies to individuals without no affiliations to a state-regulated militia but who want to possess guns in their homes. In Indiana, the only persons not in the state-regulated militia are those who are conscientiously opposed to bearing arms. Seems unlikely that those folks would want to bring guns into their homes anyway.
*In the original 1851 Constitution of Indiana, the section read "The Militia shall consist of all able-bodied white male persons, between the ages of eighteen and forty-five years, except such as may be exempted by the laws of the United States, or of this state; and shall be organized, officered, armed, equipped, and trained, in such manner as may be provided by law." A 1936 amendment deleted "white". A 1974 amendment rewrote the section to its current version.
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